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  1. i dag
  2. stig6499

    usundt

    Bedre sent end aldrig tillykke med dit nye legetøj
  3. Ja, i virkeligheden så er smartphones/iphones ikke så meget andet end en bunke apps... he he. Og til smartphones kan man få langt flere gratis apps end til iPhones...
  4. snoozz

    usundt

    Jeg fik lige leveret varer, som jeg egenligt skulle have haft i fredags... Gad vide hvor min mælk har været hele weekenden, synes den smager sært, selvom mine smagsløg ikke er de bedste, eftersom jeg er ryger. Men hvad faen er det at komme kl 14.25 med nyt tastatur og mus: Burde være på first-to-do listen siden de missede i fredags - med den sædvanlige remse om at de har skam været her, men jeg var ikke hjemme - gu faen var jeg så !
  5. snoozz

    Har i været fanget?

    Jeg har også prøvet at sidde fast andre steder. Fx i køen i Netto, når de lige har ansat en ny kassepige, og der ingen "voksne" er i nærheden. Eller i et parforhold, fordi ingen af os havde råd til at bo alene. Så må man jo lige vente på at en af parterne er utro. Jeg har også prøvet på en vandrutsjebane i Sommerland sjælland - pludselig kom der bare ikke vand nok til at "få mig til at glide", med det resultat, at alle andre der havde taget turen lige efter mig nu kom bagfra og strandede samme sted. En ordenligt bunke menneskekød hulter til bulter ;/
  6. snoozz

    Fra lejer til ejer ?

    HAha nej har godt nok aldrig boet hos nogen "sekt". Medmindre overnatning i forbindelse med konfirmationsforberedelse hos præstinden tæller med som "sekt"
  7. Lol ja det synes jeg også er ret irriterende. Der var lige i slutningen af 90´erne der skulle mobil-telefoner helst være så fysisk små som overhovedet muligt, og nu er de næsten blevet så store at man skal have en rygsæk med bare til sin telefon. Ok overdrivelse fremmer forståelsen. Men det er blandt andet derfor jeg sjælent gider slæbe den med mig, medmindre jeg som nævnt skal noget helt specifikt med den, og ikke bare i tilfælde af at moster Oda eller ekskæresten kunne finde på at ringe
  8. Erpe

    Har NATO brug for Tyrkiet?

    Kig i stedet på https://www.information.dk/debat/2009/07/godt-gaaet-indvandrere
  9. stig6499

    usundt

    Jeg er jo ryger jeg har lige set noget sjovt på TV , hver gang du indånder den røg sidder der en fed tobaks mogul og griner af dig så hans dobbelt hager flavre
  10. Jeg mener at titlen er rigtigt godt fundet på, skam at man ikke kan bruge det på Engelsk . Jeg napper en del af teksten fra CNN, som jeg mener er rammende om Trum "" a pitifully inept businessman and a serial tax avoider crushed by massive debts that could expose him to conflicts of interest given his position as President """ Nu er det ikke ulovligt at undlade betale skat når man ikke tjener penge, men ud fra rapporten in the Times fremgår det at der er mange beviser på kreativt bogføring og direkte snydt og han kommer med garanti til at tabe sagen om 78 millioner dollar imod skattevæsnet, som muligt vil gøre ende på hans imperium fordi få vil være villigt at låne penge til en taber som Trumps viser sig at være. Jeg har næsten lidt ondt af manden som så forfærdeligt gerne vil fremstå som et Amerikansk succes og succesfuld forretnings mand og ender med at være som CNN omskriver det, "" en pitifully inept businessman"". Hans værste forbrydelse må være hans misbrug af skatte ydernes penge og forære det til de i forvejen stenrige få % Må enden være nærstående og hurtigt overstået, oprydnings arbejde vil tage mange år.
  11. Det underskud er da opbygget gennem mange år - men jeg skriver det mest, fordi Trump har været så heldig at blive præsident under en højkonjunktur. Under en højkonjunktur forventer man, at staten har overskud, fordi flere tjener mere - og derfor betaler mere i skatter og afgifter. Staten har også færre sociale udgifter. Som et mål for konjunkturerne, kan man bruge arbejdsløsheden Det ses, at der har været en eneste lang optur i økonomien siden 2009, og indtil starten af 2020, så det rigtig godt ud.
  12. Arend

    Har NATO brug for Tyrkiet?

    Det er klart, når Dansk Industri er en arbejdgiverorganisation, der hypper erhvervslivets kartofler Jeg har ikke et link til analysen fra DI. Det var den jeg ledte efter, fordi jeg for mange år siden har debatteret dette, men jeg fandt i stedet henvisningen til den i Berlinske. Der står i artiklen i Berlinske: "Siden årtusindskiftet er antallet af indvandrere, der er kommet i job, steget med hele ti procentpoint, og dermed placerer Danmark sig nu i den europæiske top, når det handler om integration. Det viser en analyse fra Dansk Industri (DI), der offentliggøres tirsdag."
  13. Det er muligvis min computer som går ind og spærer, men tak for teksten.
  14. Det har før været fremme i medierne at Trump er en dårlig forretningsmand som er gået konkurs med rigtig mange virksomheder så det kan man nu sagtens have hørt om uden at sætte sig ind i beviserne. At han ikke har betalt skat tyder på en af to ting (eller begge). Enten har han fusket eller også er han en dårlig forretningsmand. I "bedste" fald har han ikke gjort noget ulovligt, men så er det fordi han simpelthen ikke har formået at tjene nogle penge. Både Obama og Trump har bragt den amerikanske gæld rigtig meget i vejret (jeg har ikke sat mig ind i om præsidenterne før det har gjort det samme) under deres perioder og det er meget bekymrende at en stormagt som betyder så meget for resten af verden økonomisk, og især for Europa, ikke formår at nedbringe gælden, men i stedet øger den kraftigt i opgangsperioder.
  15. Den virkede fint her til morgen, men er muligt tidsbegrænset, du får de hele her minus alle billeder, men den er laaaaaaangt. The Times obtained Donald Trump’s tax information extending over more than two decades, revealing struggling properties, vast write-offs, an audit battle and hundreds of millions in debt coming due. By Russ Buettner, Susanne Craig and Mike McIntire Sept. 27, 2020 6707 Donald J. Trump paid $750 in federal income taxes the year he won the presidency. In his first year in the White House, he paid another $750. He had paid no income taxes at all in 10 of the previous 15 years — largely because he reported losing much more money than he made. As the president wages a re-election campaign that polls say he is in danger of losing, his finances are under stress, beset by losses and hundreds of millions of dollars in debt coming due that he has personally guaranteed. Also hanging over him is a decade-long audit battle with the Internal Revenue Service over the legitimacy of a $72.9 million tax refund that he claimed, and received, after declaring huge losses. An adverse ruling could cost him more than $100 million. The tax returns that Mr. Trump has long fought to keep private tell a story fundamentally different from the one he has sold to the American public. His reports to the I.R.S. portray a businessman who takes in hundreds of millions of dollars a year yet racks up chronic losses that he aggressively employs to avoid paying taxes. Now, with his financial challenges mounting, the records show that he depends more and more on making money from businesses that put him in potential and often direct conflict of interest with his job as president. The New York Times has obtained tax-return data extending over more than two decades for Mr. Trump and the hundreds of companies that make up his business organization, including detailed information from his first two years in office. It does not include his personal returns for 2018 or 2019. This article offers an overview of The Times’s findings; additional articles will be published in the coming weeks. The returns are some of the most sought-after, and speculated-about, records in recent memory. In Mr. Trump’s nearly four years in office — and across his endlessly hyped decades in the public eye — journalists, prosecutors, opposition politicians and conspiracists have, with limited success, sought to excavate the enigmas of his finances. By their very nature, the filings will leave many questions unanswered, many questioners unfulfilled. They comprise information that Mr. Trump has disclosed to the I.R.S., not the findings of an independent financial examination. They report that Mr. Trump owns hundreds of millions of dollars in valuable assets, but they do not reveal his true wealth. Nor do they reveal any previously unreported connections to Russia. THE PRESIDENT’S TAXES Charting An Empire: A Timeline Of Trump’s Finances18 Revelations From a Trove of Trump Tax RecordsAn Editor’s Note on the Trump Tax Investigation In response to a letter summarizing The Times’s findings, Alan Garten, a lawyer for the Trump Organization, said that “most, if not all, of the facts appear to be inaccurate” and requested the documents on which they were based. After The Times declined to provide the records, in order to protect its sources, Mr. Garten took direct issue only with the amount of taxes Mr. Trump had paid. “Over the past decade, President Trump has paid tens of millions of dollars in personal taxes to the federal government, including paying millions in personal taxes since announcing his candidacy in 2015,” Mr. Garten said in a statement. With the term “personal taxes,” however, Mr. Garten appears to be conflating income taxes with other federal taxes Mr. Trump has paid — Social Security, Medicare and taxes for his household employees. Mr. Garten also asserted that some of what the president owed was “paid with tax credits,” a misleading characterization of credits, which reduce a business owner’s income-tax bill as a reward for various activities, like historic preservation. The tax data examined by The Times provides a road map of revelations, from write-offs for the cost of a criminal defense lawyer and a mansion used as a family retreat to a full accounting of the millions of dollars the president received from the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow. Together with related financial documents and legal filings, the records offer the most detailed look yet inside the president’s business empire. They reveal the hollowness, but also the wizardry, behind the self-made-billionaire image — honed through his star turn on “The Apprentice” — that helped propel him to the White House and that still undergirds the loyalty of many in his base. Ultimately, Mr. Trump has been more successful playing a business mogul than being one in real life. “The Apprentice,” along with the licensing and endorsement deals that flowed from his expanding celebrity, brought Mr. Trump a total of $427.4 million, The Times’s analysis of the records found. He invested much of that in a collection of businesses, mostly golf courses, that in the years since have steadily devoured cash — much as the money he secretly received from his father financed a spree of quixotic overspending that led to his collapse in the early 1990s. “The Apprentice,” along with endorsements and other income that sprang from his growing fame, brought Donald Trump $427.4 million. Rob DeLorenzo/Zuma Press Indeed, his financial condition when he announced his run for president in 2015 lends some credence to the notion that his long-shot campaign was at least in part a gambit to reanimate the marketability of his name. As the legal and political battles over access to his tax returns have intensified, Mr. Trump has often wondered aloud why anyone would even want to see them. “There’s nothing to learn from them,” he told The Associated Press in 2016. There is far more useful information, he has said, in the annual financial disclosures required of him as president — which he has pointed to as evidence of his mastery of a flourishing, and immensely profitable, business universe. In fact, those public filings offer a distorted picture of his financial state, since they simply report revenue, not profit. In 2018, for example, Mr. Trump announced in his disclosure that he had made at least $434.9 million. The tax records deliver a very different portrait of his bottom line: $47.4 million in losses. Tax records do not have the specificity to evaluate the legitimacy of every business expense Mr. Trump claims to reduce his taxable income — for instance, without any explanation in his returns, the general and administrative expenses at his Bedminster golf club in New Jersey increased fivefold from 2016 to 2017. And he has previously bragged that his ability to get by without paying taxes “makes me smart,” as he said in 2016. But the returns, by his own account, undercut his claims of financial acumen, showing that he is simply pouring more money into many businesses than he is taking out. The picture that perhaps emerges most starkly from the mountain of figures and tax schedules prepared by Mr. Trump’s accountants is of a businessman-president in a tightening financial vise. Most of Mr. Trump’s core enterprises — from his constellation of golf courses to his conservative-magnet hotel in Washington — report losing millions, if not tens of millions, of dollars year after year. His revenue from “The Apprentice” and from licensing deals is drying up, and several years ago he sold nearly all the stocks that now might have helped him plug holes in his struggling properties. The tax audit looms. And within the next four years, more than $300 million in loans — obligations for which he is personally responsible — will come due. Against that backdrop, the records go much further toward revealing the actual and potential conflicts of interest created by Mr. Trump’s refusal to divest himself of his business interests while in the White House. His properties have become bazaars for collecting money directly from lobbyists, foreign officials and others seeking face time, access or favor; the records for the first time put precise dollar figures on those transactions. At the Mar-a-Lago club in Palm Beach, Fla., a flood of new members starting in 2015 allowed him to pocket an additional $5 million a year from the business. In 2017, the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association paid at least $397,602 to the Washington hotel, where the group held at least one event during its four-day World Summit in Defense of Persecuted Christians. The Times was also able to take the fullest measure to date of the president’s income from overseas, where he holds ultimate sway over American diplomacy. When he took office, Mr. Trump said he would pursue no new foreign deals as president. Even so, in his first two years in the White House, his revenue from abroad totaled $73 million. And while much of that money was from his golf properties in Scotland and Ireland, some came from licensing deals in countries with authoritarian-leaning leaders or thorny geopolitics — for example, $3 million from the Philippines, $2.3 million from India and $1 million from Turkey. In the Philippines, where Mr. Trump licensed his name to a Manila tower, he or his companies paid $156,824 in taxes in 2017. Hannah Reyes Morales for The New York Times He reported paying taxes, in turn, on a number of his overseas ventures. In 2017, the president’s $750 contribution to the operations of the U.S. government was dwarfed by the $15,598 he or his companies paid in Panama, the $145,400 in India and the $156,824 in the Philippines. Mr. Trump’s U.S. payment, after factoring in his losses, was roughly equivalent, in dollars not adjusted for inflation, to another presidential tax bill revealed nearly a half-century before. In 1973, The Providence Journal reported that, after a charitable deduction for donating his presidential papers, Richard M. Nixon had paid $792.81 in 1970 on income of about $200,000. The leak of Mr. Nixon’s small tax payment caused a precedent-setting uproar: Henceforth, presidents, and presidential candidates, would make their tax returns available for the American people to see. A MAP OF THE EMPIRE The contents of thousands of personal and business tax records fill in financial details that have been withheld for years. “I would love to do that,” Mr. Trump said in 2014 when asked whether he would release his taxes if he ran for president. He’s been backpedaling ever since. When he ran, he said he might make his taxes public if Hillary Clinton did the same with the deleted emails from her private server — an echo of his taunt, while stoking the birther fiction, that he might release the returns if President Barack Obama released his birth certificate. He once boasted that his tax returns were “very big” and “beautiful.” But making them public? “It’s very complicated.” He often claims that he cannot do so while under audit — an argument refuted by his own I.R.S. commissioner. When prosecutors and congressional investigators issued subpoenas for his returns, he wielded not just his private lawyers but also the power of his Justice Department to stalemate them all the way to the Supreme Court. Mr. Trump’s elaborate dance and defiance have only stoked suspicion about what secrets might lie hidden in his taxes. Is there a financial clue to his deference to Russia and its president, Vladimir V. Putin? Did he write off as a business expense the hush-money payment to the pornographic film star Stormy Daniels in the days before the 2016 election? Did a covert source of money feed his frenzy of acquisition that began in the mid-2000s? The Times examined and analyzed the data from thousands of individual and business tax returns for 2000 through 2017, along with additional tax information from other years. The trove included years of employee compensation information and records of cash payments between the president and his businesses, as well as information about ongoing federal audits of his taxes. This article also draws upon dozens of interviews and previously unreported material from other sources, both public and confidential. All of the information The Times obtained was provided by sources with legal access to it. While most of the tax data has not previously been made public, The Times was able to verify portions of it by comparing it with publicly available information and confidential records previously obtained by The Times. To delve into the records is to see up close the complex structure of the president’s business interests — and the depth of his entanglements. What is popularly known as the Trump Organization is in fact a collection of more than 500 entities, virtually all of them wholly owned by Mr. Trump, many carrying his name. For example, 105 of them are a variation of the name Trump Marks, which he uses for licensing deals. Fragments of Mr. Trump’s tax returns have leaked out before. Transcripts of his main federal tax form, the 1040, from 1985 to 1994, were obtained by The Times in 2019. They showed that, in many years, Mr. Trump lost more money than nearly any other individual American taxpayer. Three pages of his 1995 returns, mailed anonymously to The Times during the 2016 campaign, showed that Mr. Trump had declared losses of $915.7 million, giving him a tax deduction that could have allowed him to avoid federal income taxes for almost two decades. Five months later, the journalist David Cay Johnston obtained two pages of Mr. Trump’s returns from 2005; that year, his fortunes had rebounded to the point that he was paying taxes. In 1995, the year Mr. Trump broke ground on the Trump International Hotel and Tower in New York, he would declare losses of $915.7 million — a sum so large, it could be carried forward to cancel out taxable income for years. Francis Specker/New York Post Archives, via NYP Holdings, Inc., via Getty Images By 2005, his fortunes had turned and he was paying income taxes: He had exhausted the tax-reducing power of that nearly $1 billion loss just as he began to see a surge of celebrity income after “The Apprentice” debuted. Michael Nagle/Getty Images The vast new trove of information analyzed by The Times completes the recurring pattern of ascent and decline that has defined the president’s career. Even so, it has its limits. Tax returns do not, for example, record net worth — in Mr. Trump’s case, a topic of much posturing and almost as much debate. The documents chart a great churn of money, but while returns report debts, they often do not identify lenders. The data contains no new revelations about the $130,000 payment to Stephanie Clifford, the actress who performs as Stormy Daniels — a focus of the Manhattan district attorney’s subpoena for Mr. Trump’s tax returns and other financial information. Mr. Trump has acknowledged reimbursing his former lawyer, Michael D. Cohen, who made the payoff, but the materials obtained by The Times did not include any itemized payments to Mr. Cohen. The amount, however, could have been improperly included in legal fees written off as a business expense, which are not required to be itemized on tax returns. No subject has provoked more intense speculation about Mr. Trump’s finances than his connection to Russia. While the tax records revealed no previously unknown financial connection — and, for the most part, lack the specificity required to do so — they did shed new light on the money behind the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow, a subject of enduring intrigue because of subsequent investigations into Russia’s interference in the 2016 election. The records show that the pageant was the most profitable Miss Universe during Mr. Trump’s time as co-owner, and that it generated a personal payday of $2.3 million — made possible, at least in part, by the Agalarov family, who would later help set up the infamous 2016 meeting between Trump campaign officials seeking “dirt” on Mrs. Clinton and a Russian lawyer connected to the Kremlin. In August, the Senate Intelligence Committee released a report that looked extensively into the circumstances of the Moscow pageant, and revealed that as recently as February, investigators subpoenaed the Russian singer Emin Agalarov, who was involved in planning it. Mr. Agalarov’s father, Aras, a billionaire who boasts of close ties to Mr. Putin, was Mr. Trump’s partner in the event. Emin Agalarov, left, a Russian singer whose family was involved in planning the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow. Mr. Trump made $2.3 million from that year’s pageant, the records show. Irina Bujor/Kommersant.ru, via Associated Press The committee interviewed a top Miss Universe executive, Paula Shugart, who said the Agalarovs offered to underwrite the event; their family business, Crocus Group, paid a $6 million licensing fee and another $6 million in expenses. But while the pageant proved to be a financial loss for the Agalarovs — they recouped only $2 million — Ms. Shugart told investigators that it was “one of the most lucrative deals” the Miss Universe organization ever made, according to the report. That is borne out by the tax records. They show that in 2013, the pageant reported $31.6 million in gross receipts — the highest since at least the 1990s — allowing Mr. Trump and his co-owner, NBC, to split profits of $4.7 million. By comparison, Mr. Trump and NBC shared losses of $2 million from the pageant the year before the Moscow event, and $3.8 million from the one the year after.
  16. Linket virker ikke her.
  17. Jeg har en svaghed for plastic fantastik Dronninger
  18. Erpe

    Har NATO brug for Tyrkiet?

    Dansk Industri hylder deres egne kæpheste og er ikke nogen neutral kilde. Men har du et link til artiklen?
  19. Entrelac

    Samtykke lov ?

    Korrekt, men jeg tror dog der er større sandsynlighed for det modsatte.
  20. Arend

    Har NATO brug for Tyrkiet?

    Det er Dansk Industri, der "taler", og det samme indhold står i en af deres publikationer. Det handler om Dansk Industri's erfaringer med - at ikke vestlige indvandrere gik fra - at en tredjedel af de arbejds duelige var på arbejdsmarkeder i 1999 - til at godt halvdelen var på arbejdsmarkedet i 2009. Det er fakta. - og ikke de drømmerider som afviser fakta til at være uden at læse kilden.
  21. Der er forskel på fisk , hvis en mand har udøver sexchikane på en kvinde er der ikke udløbsdato for at han kan rammes , hvis en kvinde udøver sexchikane på en mand bliver det ikke en gang taget op , tv 2 go morgen krænkelser kender ikke køn tv 2 Play
  22. I et kapitalistisk land gælder loven om udbud og efterspørgsel Hvis der er efterspørgsel efter pubber, restauranter, biografer osv. så vil efterspørgslen selvfølgelig blive dækket. Der er næsten ikke noget, hvor efterspørgslen ikke varierer - så det gør det svært for mig at forstå den del af oplægget. Det kan måske påvirke prisen for en bajer på en pub, men ikke andet (hvis der ellers er efterspørgsel).
  23. stig6499

    Samtykke lov ?

    Du må huske på den helt til grin samtykke lov gælder begge veje hvis en velvoksen kvinde har fået en ung mand ned at ligge et øde sted og så videre
  24. stig6499

    Samtykke lov ?

    Men jeg er da glad for at beton feministerne er glade for symbol politik, de fik en samtykke lov som er rent til grin
  25. Jezebel  אִיזֶבֶל

    "Me too". Hvor længe efter skal folk kunne rammes?

    *bød
  26. Måske, men tænker også lidt at corona har været her i mere end 6 mdr. og der er nok ingen der tror på det forsvinder i nærmeste fremtid, eller at der snart kommer en vaccine der tryller den om til uskadelig. 6mdr. er laaaaang tid for en virksomhed, og tænker lidt hvornår begynder de at tilpasse sig en fremtid med corona, hvornår finder virksomhederne ud af en løsning så de kan drive forretning selv med corona. Synes lidt det er sådan nu at mange af dem sætter sig på hænderne og venter på redning, og ingen tænker over at regeringen( os alle) ikke bliver ved med at have råd til diverse tilskudsordninger. Ved godt det er mega synd for dem der har bygget et livsværk, som så bliver smadret, men dem der får lov at fortsætte med deres forretning er dem der hurtigst tilpasser sig tiden, corona eller ej, og samtidig udvikler deres virksomhed. Dem der ikke gør det er allerede selv i gang med at afvikle deres virksomhed.
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